manvar surname caste in gujarat

manvar surname caste in gujarat

This account of the divisions is based on various sources, but mainly on Bombay Gazetteer (1901). Although my knowledge is fragmentary, I thought it was worthwhile to put together the bits and pieces for the region as a whole. They co-existed in the highlands with tribes such as the Bhils, so much so that today frequently many high caste Gujaratis confuse them with Bhils, as did the earlier ethnographers. The boundaries of caste division were fairly clear in the village community. Almost all the myths about the latter are enshrined in the puranas (for an analysis of a few of them, see Das 1968 and 1977). It is important to note that the more literate and learned Brahmans lived in towns, more particularly in capital and pilgrim towns, which were, indeed, the centres of higher Hindu culture and civilization. History. Content Guidelines 2. By the beginning of British rule in the early 19th century, a considerable number of these chieftains had succeeded in establishing petty chiefdoms, each composed of one, and occasionally more than one, village, in all parts of Gujarat. Gujarat- A state in India. But many Rajput men of Radhvanaj got wives from people in distant villages who were recognized there as Kolisthose Kolis who had more land and power than the generality of Kolis had tried to acquire some of the traditional Rajput symbols in dress manners and customs and had been claiming to be Rajputs. Thus, the result was the spread of the population of a caste division towards its fringes. Limitations of the holistic view of caste, based as it is mainly on the study of the village, should be realized in the light of urban experience. caste: [noun] one of the hereditary social classes in Hinduism that restrict the occupation of their members and their association with the members of other castes. Their origin myth enshrined in their caste purana also showed them to be originally non-Brahman. Plagiarism Prevention 4. The bulk of the population was spread all over the villages as small landholders, tenants and labourers. There was also a third category called Pancha, derived from the word punch (meaning 5) and denoting extremely low Vania. Systematic study of small caste divisions in villages as well as in towns still awaits the attention of sociologists and anthropologists. This was dramatized in many towns at the mahajan (guild) feasts when all the members of the guild of traders would eat together. This list may not reflect recent changes. There is a patterned widening of the connubial field along an area chalked out historically. The fact that Mahatma Gandhi came from a small third-order division in the Modh Vania division in a town in Saurashtra does not seem to be an accident. The Anavil, numbering 30,000 to 40,000 in 1931, were found mainly in south Gujarat. They also continued to have marital relations with their own folk. The social relations between and within a large number of such segregated castes should be seen in the context of the overall urban environment, characterized as it was by co-existence of local Hindu castes with immigrant Hindu castes and with the non-Hindu groups such as Jains, Muslims, Parsis and Christians, a higher degree of monetization, a higher degree of contractual and market relations (conversely, a lesser degree of jajmani-type relations), existence of trade guilds, and so on. The Rajputs, in association with Kolis, Bhils, and such other castes and tribes, provide an extreme example of such castes. Nor do I claim to know the whole of Gujarat. The two together formed a single complex of continental dimension. I do not, however, have sufficient knowledge of the latter and shall, therefore, confine myself mainly to Rajputs in Gujarat. We need to formulate some idea of the nature of the Indian urban society and its relation with the rural society in the past, at least at the beginning of the 19th century. In some other cases, mainly of urban artisans, craftsmen and specialized servants, such as Kansaras (copper and bronze smiths), Salvis (silk weavers), Kharadis (skilled carpenters and wood carvers), Chudgars (bangle-makers) and Vahivanchas genealogists and mythographers), the small populations were so small and confined to so few towns that they had few subdivisions and the boundaries of their horizontal units were fairly easy to define. Frequently, marriages were arranged in contravention of a particular rule after obtaining the permission of the council of leaders and paying a penalty in advance. The small ekda or tad with its entire population residing in a single town was, of course, not a widespread phenomenon. For example, there was considerable ambiguity about the status of Anavils. These coastal towns were involved in trade among themselves, with other towns on the rest of the Indian sea coast, and with many foreign lands. Within each of these divisions, small endogamous units (ekdas, gols, bandhos) were organized from time to time to get relief from the difficulties inherent in hypergamy. We have analyzed the internal structure of two first-order divisions, Rajput and Anavil, which did not have any second-order divisions, and of several second-order divisionsTalapada and Pardeshi Koli, Khedawal Brahman, and Leva Kanbiwhich did not have any third-order divisions. TOS 7. manvar surname caste in gujarat. The Hindu and Muslim kingdoms in Gujarat during the medieval period had, of course, their capital towns, at first Patan and then Ahmedabad. Dowry not only continues to be a symbol of status in the new hierarchy but is gradually replacing bride price wherever it existed, and dowry amounts are now reaching astronomical heights. In an area of the first kind there are no immigrant Kolis from elsewhere, and therefore, there is no question of their having second-order divisions. The Rajput hierarchy had many levels below the level of the royal families of the large and powerful kingdoms: lineages of owners of large and small fiefs variously called jagir, giras, thakarat,thikana, taluka, and wanted-, lineages of substantial landowners under various land tenures having special rights and privileges; and lineages of small landowners. The co-residence of people belonging to two or more divisions of the lower orders within a division of a higher order has been a prominent feature of caste in towns and cities. Frequently, the urban population of such a division performed more specialized functions than did the rural one. While the Rajputs, Leva Patidars, Anavils and Khedawals have been notorious for high dowries, and the Kolis have been looked down upon for their practice of bride price, the Vanias have been paying neither. For the sake of bravity and simplicity of presentation, I have not provided detailed documentation. We have seen how one second-order division among Brahmans, namely, Khedawal, was marked by continuous internal hierarchy and strong emphasis on hypergamy on the one hand and by absence of effective small endogamous units on the other. Since these were all status categories rather than clear- cut divisions, I have not considered them as constituting third-order divisions. The castes pervaded by hierarchy and hypergamy had large populations spread evenly from village to village and frequently also from village to town over a large area. Bougies repulsion) rather than on hierarchy was a feature of caste in certain contexts and situations in traditional India, and increasing emphasis on division in urban Indian in modern times is an accentuation of what existed in the past. Sometimes castes are described as becoming ethnic groups in modern India, particularly in urban India. 4 GUJARAT 4273 SHODA . In the second kind of area, indigenous Kolis live side-by-side with immigrant Kolis from an adjoining area. Although I have not, during my limited field work, come across hypergamous marriages between Rajputs and Bhils, ethnographic reports and other literature frequently refer to such marriages (see, for example, Naik 1956: 18f; Nath I960. The Khedawals, numbering 15,000 to 20,000 in 1931 were basically priests but many of them were also landowners, government officials, and traders. The primarily urban castes and the urban sections of the rural-cum- urban castes were the first to take advantage of the new opportunities that developed in industry, commerce, administration, the professions and education in urban centres. Many primarily rural castes, such as Kolisthe largest castehave remained predominantly rural even today. Caste divisions of the first-order can be classified broadly into three categories. First, since the tads were formed relatively recently, it is easier to get information about their formation than about the formation of ekdas. Gujarat did not have anything like the non-Brahmin movement of South India and Maharashtra before 1947. Which caste is koli patel? Explained by Sharing Culture In any case, castes are not likely to cease to be castes in the consciousness of people in the foreseeable future. It seems the highland Bhils (and possibly also other tribes) provided brides to lower Rajputs in Gujarat. (surname) Me caste; Mer (community) Meta Qureshi; Mistri caste; Miyana (community) Modh; Motisar (caste) Multani Lohar; Muslim Wagher; Mutwa; N . There is enormous literature on these caste divisions from about the middle of the 19th century which includes census reports, gazetteers, [] Similarly, the Vanias were divided into such divisions as Disawal, Kapol, Khadayata, Lad, Modh, Nagar, Nima, Porwad, Shirmali, Vayada, and Zarola. Each ekda or gol was composed of a definite number of families living in certain villages and/or towns. The degree of contravention is highest if the couple belong to two different first-order divisions. Moreover, a single division belonging to any one of the orders may have more than one association, and an association may be uni-purpose or multi-purpose. The very low Brahmans such as Kayatias and Tapodhans were invited but made to eat separately from the rest of the Brahmans. The patterns of change in marriage and in caste associations are two of the many indications of the growing significance of the principle of division (or separation or difference) in caste in urban areas in Gujarat. It reflects, on the one hand, the political aspirations of Kolis guided by the importance of their numerical strength in electoral politics and on the other hand, the Rajputs attempt to regain power after the loss of their princely states and estates. Once the claim was accepted at either level, hypergamous marriage was possible. There was a continuous process of formation and disintegration of such units. Report a Violation, Caste Stratification: Changing Rural Caste Stratification, Caste in Rural India: Specificities of Caste in Rural Society. Gujarat protests: Who are the Patidars, and why are they angry? If this rule was violated, i.e., if he married a girl with whom the Vanias did not have commensal relations, the maximum punishment, namely, excommunication, was imposed. A new view of the whole, comprising the rural and the urban and the various orders of caste divisions, should be evolved. There are thus a few excellent studies of castes as horizontal units. All the small towns sections in each of the ekdas resented that, while the large town section accepted brides from small towns, they did not reciprocate. One may say that there are now more hypogamous marriages, although another and perhaps a more realistic way of looking at the change would be that a new hierarchy is replacing the traditional one. The institutions of both bride and bridegroom price (the latter also called dowry) were rampant in castes with continuous internal hierarchydowry mainly at the upper levels, bride price mainly at the lower levels, and both dowry and bride price among status-seeking middle level families. Among the Kanbis, while there was hypergamy within the Leva division and possibly, similar hypergamy within the Kadva division, there was no hierarchy or hypergamy between the two second-order divisions. Usually, these divisions were distinguished from one another by prohibition of what people called roti vyavahar (bread, i.e., food transactions) as well as beti vyavahar (daughter, i.e., marital transactions). In central Gujarat, for example, one and the same division, freely arranging marriages within it, was known by several names such as Baraiya, Dharala, Khant, Kotwal, Pagi, Patelia, Talapada, Thakarada, and Thakor. Asking different questions and using different methods are necessary. Although some of them set up shops in villages they rarely became full-fledged members of the village community. Some of the other such divisions were Kathi, Dubla, Rabari, Bharwad, Mer (see Trivedi 1961), Vaghri, Machhi, Senwa, Vanzara, and Kharwa. Indeed, a major achievement of Indian sociology during the last thirty years or so has been deeper understanding of caste in the village context in particular and of its hierarchical dimension in general. There was also another kind of feast, called bhandaro, where Brahmans belonging to a lesser number of divisions (say, all the few in a small town) were invited. I describe here three prominent units of the latter type, namely, Anavil, Leva Kanbi, and Khedawal Brahman. They have been grouped in Vaishya category of Varna system. Literally, ekda meant unit, and gol circle, and both signified an endogamous unit. In 1931, their total population was more than 1,700,000, nearly one-fourth of the total population of Gujarat. Another clearly visible change in caste in Gujarat is the emergence of caste associations. As soon as there is any change in . He stresses repeatedly the primacy of the principle of hierarchy-epitomized in the title of his book. Even the archaeological surveys and studies have indicated that the people of Dholavira, Surkotada. If the Varna divisions are taken into account, then this would add one more order to the four orders of caste divisions considered above. There were about three hundred divisions of this order in the region as a whole. There were also a number of first-order divisions, mainly of artisans, craftsmen and specialized servants, with small populations.

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